The atmosphere was filled with rumors. President Carter dispatches a carrier group to the Persian Gulf. He declared his brother-in-law Mohammed Abdullah al-Qahtani to be the , or redeemer, who arrives on earth several years before. From inaccurate speculations to unreliable anecdotes the November 1979 siege of the Masjid-Al-Haram has been sorrounded by stories, which after reading this book, I could just mockingly call all that are ascribed to the event a sidewalk tales. It tells the story of a takeover of the Great Mosque in Mecca during November, 1979. His father had been King Faisal, who had abolished slavery in 1962 and been committed to other reforms and closer ties with the West before being assassinated by a rebellious nephew in 1975. His friend broke down in near hysteria.
Pro Western backed state bias. And, in recruitment to the true path of God, it produced wonders of showmanship. Mid-way through the book, one can detect a clear bias in Trofimov's writing style. The advent of commercial air travel attracted ever-growing numbers of pilgrims to these two shrines. The very same year, a boy named Mohammed was born to a Quraysh subclan in the city. Emulating a piety first displayed by Prophet Mohammed himself, he wore a traditional Saudi white robe that was cut short at midcalf to signal the rejection of material goods.
When Al-Otaybi, al-Qahtani and a number of the Ikhwan were locked up as troublemakers by the Ministry of Interior security police in 1978, members of the including bin Baz cross-examined them for heresy but they were subsequently released as being traditionalists harkening back to the , like al-Otaybi's grandfather and, therefore, not a threat. Hadisenin sosyal, ekonomik, dini, uluslararası ve iç siyasi boyutlarını detaylarıyla ele alan kitabın temel tezi ise; El Kaide-IŞİD tarzı radikal oluşumların ilk nüvesinin Cüheyman el-Uteybi liderliğindeki Bedevi Arap ve takipçileri tarafından gerçekleştirilen Kabe Baskını olduğu istikametinde. But, taking to heart a lesson that King Abdelaziz had imparted on Bin Baz back in the 1940s, the senior ulema made sure that theory and practice stayed apart: their rejection of modern ways never crossed the line into open opposition to the royal family. Soon, thousands of American oil experts, construction engineers—and military men—started pouring into the kingdom, building the first modern roads, power lines, and airfields. Because of the scorching heat, everyone now had to breathe through wet paper towels. The insurgents aired their demands from the mosque's loudspeakers throughout the streets of Mecca, calling for the cut-off of oil exports to the United States and the expulsion of all foreign civilian and military experts from the. The unit moved ahead step by step, fingers on the trigger.
Then, at about six a. The Saudis by then were also fully aware of just how much influence they could exert over Washington. In following centuries, Bedouin nomads who roamed the vast emptiness of Arabia, living off camel-herding and predatory raids on rival tribes, relapsed into many of the same pagan practices so roundly condemned by Prophet Mohammed. Clearing his throat, the imam picked up the microphone and read out the blessings. Rounding them up had been an arduous process; several had had to be transported to Riyadh on special flights from other parts of the kingdom. Not that I know a lot about it now, either. Like most orthodox Wahhabis, Juhayman did not smoke, considering tobacco consumption a sin.
Trofimov interviews for the first time scores of direct participants in the siege, and draws upon hundreds of newly declassified documents. There was only one way forward, Bin Baz and the other senior ulema decided. By a coincidence of global events, it is precisely this ideology that American policy makers—and the House of Saud—found right after the crisis in Mecca to be of great value on the Cold War battlefronts. There was a growing sense of insecurity as Saudi Arabia relied upon the West for military aid and technological know-how in building projects while being completely reliant on oil exports to support the entire economy and social state. The author definitely uses polemical language at times, and I was irritated This was a really interesting book. The security forces of the Saudi government were unable to end the tak This book was given to me by a college student originally from Saudi Arabia.
A simple man with little formal education, Khaled was already stricken by debilitating illnesses and, by most accounts, appeared far more interested in his camel farm than the affairs of the state. Again the assaulting force was repulsed as they were unable to break through the insurgents' defenses. At the Shoubra Hotel, located on a street from which one of the minarets could be seen, a bullet shattered the glass front door that night just as the Saudi spymaster turned the handle. In Rawalpindi, just as Zia visited town, mobs incinerated the Christian Convent of Jesus and Mary and burned down the U. By coincidence, the desk officer who received the call was a captain of Moroccan intelligence.
I felt so stupid not knowing anything about it before. Monaghan told a Washington Post reporter about the Pakistani government after emerging from the burning compound. With its stress on simplicity and rejection of luxuries such as tobacco, gold jewelry for men, silk clothes, music, and dancing, the Wahhabi idea stoked Bedouin pride. On 9 January 1980, 63 rebels were publicly in the squares of eight Saudi cities , , , , , , and. By one account, eight officers died on the spot; thirty-six were wounded. Soon they grouped Pakistani and Indian pilgrims on one side of the mosque, with a Pakistani-born rebel interpreting the announcements in Urdu to bewildered compatriots.
The Saudis: Inside the Desert Kingdom. The book was published in 1978 in Kuwait. The Kaaba contains a magical Black Stone, which may be a meteorite. In the late morning, the first reinforcements began to arrive from Riyadh. On November 4, 1979, revolutionary students stormed the U. Furthermore, seeing that this event was over thirty years ago, the lesson one can draw for today is that compromises with religious extremists does not work.